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100 YEARS OF NEW MEDIA PEDAGOGY

Jason Palmeri / Ben McCorkle

Visualizing the Archive

TELEVISION

Television: Production vs. Reception Over Time

Instructions: Click legend below the graph to turn lines on and off. Double click or pinch graph to zoom in. Drag graph to move through time. Hover over the dots to make hyperlinked citations to the articles appear; hover over a new dot to make citation info boxes go away. Click link at top of graph to reset.

Reset the Graph

X = year; Y = number of articles

Instances of television-oriented pedagogy began in 1951, shortly after broadcasting networks were established in the United States. (Incidentally, interest in radio-centered pedagogy among English teachers waned just as television emerged, a point in time we jokingly refer to as the moment when TV killed the radio star.) A closer look at the role of television in English education shows a slightly different pattern compared to film or radio, where production-focused articles appear early in the timeline. With television, reception is the predominant focus of articles from the outset in 1951, and it is not until 1967, with Robert Meadows’ “Get Smart: Let TV Work for You,” that we see the first indication of interest in production (and even here, Meadows described a multi-part assignment that involved script writing and live, in-class performance). In fact, most of the production-oriented articles in this corpus center around alphabetic script writing of television dramas, press conferences, and other televisual genres.

As the 1970s ushered in the era of teaching with television (exemplified by the emergence of the Children’s Television Workshop and programs such as Sesame Street), we had expected to see an explosion of television-based publications erupting from the pages of English Journal, but alas, this was not the case. With respect to educational television in particular, we found one representative: John A. Wiegand’s (1965) “Teaching English on TV in Samoa,” which addressed oral English language instruction transmitted from a local television station in American Samoa. The establishment of public access cable channels in the early 1980s also did not have the kind of impact we initially anticipated when we began this project, even given the democratic or egalitarian promise of the format. This was perhaps due to the highly specialized nature of television production, the availability of public access stations in a given area, or other access impediments.

The largest (though still modest) spikes in television production occurred in 1994. This year included three articles, actually part of a special symposium section in the January issue: Travis E. Jackson, Anthony Bencivenga, and Lestra Litchfield’s “Writing for Television: Purpose and Audience Already Defined”; Richard Kosier and Candace Morgan’s “A Show with Class”; and Diana Mitchell’s “Scripting for Involvement and Understanding.” Two of the three dealt with production in terms of writing for television, whereas Kosier and Morgan actually described a kind of public access station internship program where students were involved in production, performance, and editing in addition to writing.

Aside from the aforementioned Meadows article, production-oriented publications were concentrated in the twenty-year span from 1978–1998, with several gaps occurring therein. Articles on television reception, by contrast, appeared much more regularly and with more frequency up through 2009, save for a noticeable drought from 1968–1974. A cursory glance at article titles during that period suggests a renewed emphasis on teaching with and about literature that may have led teachers away from considering uses of television in the classroom.

Topoi for Teaching with Television

Bar graph of common topoi for television divided by production and reception; read table below for data.

X = number of articles; Y = topoi

When we look at the bar graph of topoi associated with televisual English pedagogy, we immediately notice that “harming alphabetic literacy” makes it into the top three, a viewpoint reflected in thirty-seven total articles (two production centered, thirty-five reception centered). This is something of an outlier compared to other media, where attitudes were generally favorable, and the willingness to experiment was apparent. A strong sense of television as an uncouth threat to print literacy wafts through this part of the corpus in a way that it doesn’t in other areas. In fact, the most represented topos, “changing the nature of literacy,” is not uniformly depicted as a good thing—this, despite the frequent invocation of Marshall McLuhan in articles and columns of the period.

Whether this dismissive attitude towards television stemmed from the sheer ubiquity of television sets in the American home, a growing preoccupation with what many have deemed a literacy crisis during this time period, or a combination of related factors remains unclear. In chapter 6, we’ll look closer at the language of the “TV” articles in the archive in order to begin to offer more robust—though still speculative—answers to the intriguing question: Why did English teachers seem to detest TV so much more than other media? In addition to critiquing the ideological topoi and material constraints that limited teachers’ imagination of the possibilities of TV production in English pedagogy, we’ll also revisit some of the more prescient and timely critiques that teachers made about corporate influence in TV programming.